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The Passage of the Deadheads
by
Erin Wolfe
This report has undergone numerous changes, both in its focus and in its
approach to interpretation, since the point at which my research was begun.
The original intention of this paper was to study first show experiences of Deadheads and to examine relevant narratives to discover unifying themes.
Due to the considerably small amount of pertinent sources that I was able to locate, however, I have chosen instead to examine a wide variety of
narratives by Deadheads. Some are recollections of an informant’s first show; most are stories about a specific experience at a Grateful Dead
show; a few are sociological or otherwise scholarly examinations of the Deadhead
experience and subculture.
In reading these narratives, several main themes and ideas emerged, although different approaches and reactions to them were widely varied. In the
sources that I have referenced, the most commonly appearing topics were reviews or critiques of the music of a given show, recountings of
drug-related experiences, and a focus on the strong sense of community surrounding the Grateful Dead shows. As the specific music reviews fall
outside the scope of this paper, they will not be analyzed, except when they relate directly to personal experiences in one of the other categories.
This essay will examine the Grateful Dead concert and surrounding activities through the rite of passage model as set forth by Victor and Edith
Turner. The three stages of this process are the separation from society; the
liminal or margin stage, in which there is a communication of sacra, a ludic recombination of traditional cultural aspects, and a deep sense of
communitas; and the reaggregation, or reintegration, into society.
Throughout these personal accounts, each of these stages and aspects are
very clearly present in some form. While it is impossible to create a
definition of any experience, including the one described in this paper, that would hold
true for all participants, by combining a number of
diverse narratives, it is possible to create a definite pattern that holds true for
a number of experiences. Following this assumption, one thing that was revealed is that
each of these
stages, and therefore, the rite of passage model, is at work on two distinct levels. The first of these levels is in
the “scene” surrounding the concert, the parking lot, both before and after the show. The second rite of
passage is as applies to the actual concert
itself.
The first aspect of this model, that of separation, is from the regular world into a specific communal environment that surrounds the
concert itself. Full of people playing games (e.g. Frisbee, hacky sack, etc.) and
instruments, listening to music, buying and selling homemade food, jewelry, clothing, etc., and just generally hanging out, “the parking lot at each
of the venues was the destination that Deadheads on the road longed for. The parking lot was an experience in itself. It was a cultural festival that
moved from place to place.” Primarily due to the large numbers of people with similar interests and a shared love for the Grateful Dead, simply by
congregating before a concert, a subculture emerged, definitely separated from the outside world.
Once the liminal stage is achieved (i.e. when one enters the parking lot), the purest aspects of the Deadheads as a subculture may be seen. As the
primary aspect that showed up in narratives was the partaking of the sacra,
in this context psychedelic drugs, often beginning before the actual separation took place, I will first address the use of drugs in this setting. While it should be obvious that not everyone present was a participant in drug use, the use of marijuana, LSD, shrooms, and other psychedelic drugs certainly appears to be the norm, rather than the exception, and is treated by some as a necessary part of the Grateful
Dead experience.
In a study of college students and partying, William Nichols remarked about the Deadhead approach to psychedelic drug use: “Although this experience is rooted in the body, it includes a longing to join physical pleasure with inarticulate, transforming consciousness.” This is in keeping with the overall view by Deadheads that drugs such as LSD can serve, if used with the correct mindset, as a means to expand one’s consciousness and experience “something magical” in the experience.
One Deadhead described this approach to psychedelics in this way: “Drugs are viewed as tools to explore the human experience of being different… For some, drugs are a search engine for personal growth.”
This is certainly not to suggest that drugs were not taken for recreational use at Grateful Dead concerts, that all Deadheads took drugs, or that all
Deadheads used drugs responsibly. In his narrative, one Deadhead admits that “My reoccurring problem regarding the Dead shows was that I got too
excited
about seeing them and often took my drugs too soon and in too large a dose.”
This “irresponsible” drug use, however, was in many cases also the
norm. Another contributor recalling his first show (and his first LSD trip) describes having “rather poor motor skills” and being “really, really
unable to speak, just staring and smiling.” This complete surrender to the
effects of illegal drugs in part contributes to the sensation of freedom and the search for the “perfect buzz” which will lead to an extra special
experience for the participants. As noted earlier, partaking of the sacra
frequently began prior to the actual separation from society, but it certainly continued in the parking lot, as well as during and after the show.
Inside the parking lot, the ludic recombination of cultural aspects is quite plain. One informer described the parking lot scene as “a hippie circus.”
The dress of the participants is the most visibly obvious trait:
“home-made, pastel tie-dyes, bracelets, bells, braids, beads, flowers…” along with painted faces and outlandish costumes and masks. Frequently, men wear
long skirts, exploring or defying traditional gender roles. In some cases,
people walked around completely nude.
While these may be the more obvious examples, there are others. One informant recalled a man who asked him to
trade his (the informant’s) bong water for his (the other man) clean water
because he wanted to drink “’God’s herb.’” This personalizing of similar
or distinctive styles and abnormal (by most people’s standards, including
most Deadheads’) behavior served to further the sense of separation from
everyday culture, as well as providing Deadheads with a definite identity as a
group.
This close-knit identity, along with the shared interests and close
friendships, helped to create and intensify the strong feelings of communitas that many informants reported in their narratives.
Perhaps the most distinctive and important aspect of the Deadhead subculture is the communitas that is achieved in the parking lot.
Numerous accounts told of making friends with another person just by simply meeting them or
being parked next to each other. This would lead into an exchange of stories, drugs, and good feelings. One informant describes this feeling
of community in this way: “Reunions with old friends and the meeting of new were a common sight… [The] parking lot provided Deadheads with stories
and
memories to share with each other.”
Another Deadhead, at the end of an account of a particular show, recalled that meeting some new friends was “the icing on a great show.” A St. Louis newspaper reported, “faces
become familiar, strangers turn into friends and maybe even lasting relationships
are made.” Among other reasons for this very noticeable and definitive sense of community is the love for the music of the Grateful Dead. Simply
put, nearly all are present because they love the Grateful Dead.
Jerry Garcia once described the Deadheads as “…people who like licorice. Not everybody likes licorice, but the people who like licorice really like licorice.” In a book on the Grateful Dead by David Gans and Peter Simon,
this same sentiment is iterated in a more succinct manner: “The Dead are
an acquired taste, and not very easy to acquire at that.” It is perhaps
partly this knowledge that the very event they are present for is unique to a certain group of people that aids in the communitas of a Dead show.
Having established thus far the separation and the liminal stages of the first rite of passage involved in a Grateful Dead concert
experience, it is useful to continue in the chronological order that follows the experience
itself and proceed from this point to the second rite of passage—the concert itself.
The second separation stage occurs when those with tickets for the show actually go through the gates into the concert. Although the
parking lot has separated the group into a unique environment, the act of leaving the parking lot and actually entering the venue separates them even further
from society, as well as separating them from the society of the parking lot.
One Deadhead, who had attended over 400 shows since 1980, described this
second
separation in this way: “This is where the magic begins for Deadheads. Once they enter the doors of a venue their journey begins. The reality of the outside world is put aside as they enter into ‘their’ world.”
Apart from the fact that “inside” is where the music will occur,
usually lasting for three to four hours, there is an obvious spatial distance with physical barriers from those who are not inside. This spatial and temporal
division from even the subculture outside in the parking lot adds an even more special distinction to being at the concert.
As in the parking lot, part of the sacra is the use of drugs. Since most of the psychedelic drugs (e.g. LSD and
magic mushrooms) are taken prior to the concert, in order to reach the peak mid-way through the concert, the primary drug inside the concert is marijuana. Most of the same descriptions of the function of this sacra that comprised the initial rite of passage model apply to within the concert as well.
Pursuing a little further the previously mentioned attitude toward both the spiritual exploration and
the freedom gained through extensive use of drugs, one Deadhead asks the question, “Can we make earth heaven if we just get high enough?”
The other, and more important, sacra within the Grateful Dead concert, however, is the music itself. It might be argued that since this is the focal point of the entire event, it is not possible for the music to be
the sacra. In the view of many Deadheads, though, the music is, in a sense, sacred indeed. In this aspect, frequently
(although certainly not always), the drugs seem to work with the music, and also with external non-sacra
such as environment or surroundings to create the special feeling about a Grateful Dead concert, which in turn creates Deadheads.
Although examples of this sentiment were prevalent throughout the narratives, the following account of a first show experience by an informer who had taken LSD is representative of many of them and should suffice:
I remember looking to my right from the grandstand as the band played [“Fire on the Mountain”], seeing the sun over the ocean just beginning it’s
[Sic] journey to the horizon and I was hooked!!! Man, this is it!!! My relation
of fire to the sun to the beauty of a daily natural occurrence enhanced by
some of the best vibes, music and a well set head was just what it took for me
to realize that something was indeed going on here.
Another Deadhead’s description of the music from a different, or more precise, point of view follows: “I… let the music make love to me, caress
my body and stroke my soul… the music marinates your mind till there is none
of you left at all… and you’re free to scamper the universe.” Each of these
accounts attributes a great deal of power to the music of the Grateful Dead, which is certainly one of the most common themes amongst the narratives
that
I have reviewed.
In fact, it seems only appropriate that the music itself, as the true basis around which the Deadhead subculture was created,
should be assigned the greatest value in the narratives. This focus on
appreciating and experiencing first-hand, via a concert, the live music of the
Grateful Dead serves a great, if not the primary, function in creating the scene surrounding the Grateful Dead shows.
While for the most part an extension of that found in the parking lot, within the concert as well there exists a furthering of ludic
recombination. Along with those mentioned previously in regard to the first rite of passage, activities inside the concert bring a few more examples.
Balloons and beach balls are bounced around the crowd, adding as well to the
common experience of the audience.
Some participants dress in Grateful Dead related costume (e.g. skeletons, Uncle Sam) for the amusement of the crowd or perhaps to enhance their own sense of liberation and affiliation with the
group. One narrative recalled an experience at a New Year’s Eve show, seeing “these guys come down in headress like outfits like natives and arrive
bungy cording into the audience [Sic].” These sorts of extra variations from normal society contribute to the experience of those within the show,
adding to the feeling of subculture as well as to the enjoyment and uniqueness
of
the concert.
The communitas experienced within the concert area is again an extension of that found in the parking lot, but as with the sacra and ludic recombination, it is both heightened and expanded to include
other areas. Similar to the sacra, the sense of community achieved in the atmosphere
of the parking lot is combined with the music to create a much deeper
sensation, often to the point where a Deadhead feels truly a part of the rest of the
audience.
An example of this can be found in the following statement from a
narrative: “We became a single entity, that lover to whom the Dead always played. A pulsating sea of harmony, all of us given over to the
same wish - to take it all in and be freed.”
Another Deadhead describes his personal experience with Grateful Dead concerts like this: “The participation… enables my spirit to
transcend my body and mingle and rejoice and be one with the spirits of all the other participants.” Again, as has related
to
previous themes, at least a large part of this communitas stems from a shared intense love of the music that is being performed. In the live concert setting, as opposed to the parking lot, for example, this
affection for the music becomes an obvious point of unification.
Within the concert setting, everyone is hearing the same music at the same time, although each
person is registering it through their own personal interpretations. This shared experience that is happening at the moment creates or solidifies or heightens the bond amongst those present.
More than just a communitas amongst those in the audience, however, many describe the connection between the band and the audience during a show
as a fundamental aspect of the Grateful Dead. One Deadhead said this about the
Deadheads’ feelings toward the band: “…pure unadulterated, unfettered
LOVE, shameless and fierce…”
In describing the relationship between band and audience, one informer remarked that “Everybody who’s ever altered his
consciousness and gone to a Grateful Dead concert has had the feeling that he affects the band.” This level of appreciation for the band, along
with the sense of reciprocation, adds to the closeness of the participants and
the sensation that Deadheads, as well as the members of the band, are a sort of extended family.
With the aspects of the liminal stage of the second rite of passage having been examined, the final stage is the reintegration into society. In this
case, it is leaving the venue after the show and reentering the parking lot.
In the case of the first rite of passage, it is leaving the parking lot
and going home, or back to normal society. In many of the narratives, these
two were blended or skimmed over.
One Deadhead (the sole example of this type), describing an experience in Las Vegas, said for him, “Now the fun began,”
as
he and friends, still high on shrooms, went to explore the city. Another, again a as representative sample, remarked, “Well that
part of the story eludes me right now – but we had a great evening… [Sic].” Others briefly
described the drive home. This sort of inattention to the end of the experience pervaded nearly every narrative that I came across. Due to the
omission of these details, it is difficult to conjecture exactly what effect or meaning lies in the reintegration into society.
It is possible to hypothesize, however, that somewhat of the opposite effect of the
separation from society is achieved. The excitement and festival-like nature of the
pre-show parking lot has likely dissolved. In many venues, it is probable that everyone is asked by officials to leave the parking lot so clean-up
can begin. If nothing else, it is feasible to assume that the post-show experience (i.e. reintegration) is in most cases less memorable, for whatever reason, than the pre-show experience (i.e. separation).
Given the nature of the rite of passage, particularly as an enjoyable experience
such as a Grateful Dead show, this seems to be a safe and logical assumption
to make.
Thus, for the Grateful Dead concert experience, the rite of passage model as defined by the Turners
exhibits itself on two distinct occasions. Knowing that a rite of passage is beneficial to a person, leaving him or her stronger, wiser, or at least more experienced than before, having a
double rite of passage can serve to be an extremely powerful situation. In the
case of the Deadheads, this reveals itself in the intense love of the music, particularly in the live concert setting, and the strong spiritual and emotional experiences associated with these concerts as described by
them.
While the communitas and the freedom evoked by the separation from society and by ludic recombination, along with the sacra in the form of psychedelic drugs, play an important role for Deadheads in the enjoyment of the concert experience, the basis for the subculture and for the maximum enjoyment of a Grateful Dead concert is the sacra in the form of the music itself. As we of the current time can see quite plainly, without the music of the Grateful Dead, there are no Grateful Dead concerts.
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